This article was originally published on Waging Nonviolence.
No matter the outcome in November, we need training to transform despair into action and to build the kind of solidarity that offers protection.
The July 13 shooting attempt to assassinate Donald Trump may be a symptom of desperation in our country. Loners can be symptoms of growing despair. Whether he emerges a victor in November or a defeated candidate claiming he was robbed, movements for justice and peace need to offer something more specific than what they’re presently doing in order to take account of the deepening anxiety around how to deal with Trump.
While issue-based organizing campaigns need to continue, our climate, economic and racial justice work don’t sufficiently address this rising anxiety. On my recent 20-state book tour, visiting over 50 towns and cities across the country, I observed more anxiety than I’ve seen in decades. Even while climate disasters are bringing new people to awareness and action, the possibility of a dictatorship — or an angry loser flailing at us — is worrisome. We activists need to signal preparation for dealing with Trump, however the November election turns out.
The challenge can be met on the level of organizing as well as with psychological empowerment. I found in my half-century of training experience (starting with the civil rights movement) that when facing uncertainty, we need training. Training workshops can go beyond facts and discussion. They provide a format for transforming anxiety into action and — just as important — a solidarity that offers protection.
Training as an emotional as well as strategic preparation
While the kind of training deployed during the Montgomery bus boycott in the mid-1950s spread throughout the civil rights movement, its power was perhaps best demonstrated during the Mississippi Freedom Summer campaign of 1964. Northern volunteers — mostly students — were recruited to go to that state to do grassroots activism.
I was on the training staff for the preparatory training held in an Ohio college. Half the volunteers were assigned to be trained the first week, and the rest in the second. It was almost a thousand in total — an extraordinary number of volunteers, I thought, given the terrifying prospect they were facing.
We relied heavily on bonding activities as well as role-plays of situations the students needed to learn to handle nonviolently, especially the likelihood of violent threat. At the end of the first week students boarded the buses bound for the South, and we on the staff got a short break before the next group of students arrived.
On the second day of the second week we were abruptly called into the college auditorium. There we were told that three volunteers had already disappeared and were presumed dead. At that moment I looked around the auditorium at the students and — seeing the shock on their faces — pictured most of them gone by the end of the day, called home by frantic parents.
We on the training staff doubled down on the “heart” side of the training, using our role-plays, extending the debriefings, and supplementing with singing and other means of building solidarity. To my amazement, nearly all the students actually got on buses at the end of the week and headed toward a state where the Ku Klux Klan was bent on violence.
Our present situation is not as threatening
Racist whites in Mississippi in those days felt they were defending an existential challenge: a deeply rooted, historic supremacy intensified when they lost their bloody civil war. The threat they experienced from racial justice was multi-dimensional. It felt like the end of social life as they knew it.
The stakes for Trumpists are not nearly as high, despite right-wing militias preparing for violence.
Nevertheless, the Trump threat is serious enough to need the power of training. Fortunately, we know more now about training for nonviolent conflict than we did in the ‘60s. Many people — activists and educators eager to increase the power of their methods — have experimented and found reliable methods for preparing people in conflict skills. We’ll need those skills, whether Trump is elected president and tries to rule as dictator or whether he’s defeated and we experience some form of grassroots violence on his behalf.
Four years ago I led a defense-against-Trump training effort for Choose Democracy via Zoom that reached tens of thousands of people. We focused not only on methods of action, but also the strategy question of what makes the timing and location for using those methods more (and less) effective.
I’m glad we included the latter! After Trump’s defeat, he directed his followers to make trouble at the Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6. Anti-Trump activists wisely avoided showing up and getting caught in the fracas — a move they might have made had they not gone through our training. Trump and others were certainly angered by this, judging by their initial (and ultimately failed) attempt to blame the storming of the Capitol on antifa.
Both a website and a book “What If Trump Wins” says “You can only prepare for what you can imagine.”
Now, another election cycle later, Choose Democracy is back. See our new website WhatIfTrumpWins.org, where you can go through our interactive “pick-your-path adventure“ manual designed to meet the Trumpist threat head on. I’m also conducting a series of interviews for Waging Nonviolence with people who’ve successfully faced an authoritarian threat — in one case successfully overthrowing a dictator, and in another (soon to be published) overthrowing the long-established racist Apartheid regime of South Africa.
Meanwhile, other organizations are getting into this preparation phase, including the Horizons Project, the 22nd Century Initiative and the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict.
Hands-on training needed
I’m welcoming the resources that are now arriving to help us to prepare our minds for a serious nonviolent struggle with the Trump forces. I also know from my experience on multiple continents that reading cannot fully substitute for in-person training. We all benefit from in-person workshops that prepare us to defend our communities, and the degree of freedom presently experienced in the U.S.
Zoom is a helpful channel but not, I believe, as valuable in preparing for prolonged intense struggle as in-person training workshops. In addition to learning more deeply what works, we’ll also need courage and creativity. Both of these are hugely strengthened by bonding with others. In-person trainings offer bonding, the chance to find or solidify buddies or comrades when the struggle erupts nearby.
I suggest you identify an experienced trainer (or, better, a team) in your area and ask them to facilitate workshops. It’s helpful if they have direct action experience, but not strictly necessary. Ask them to read the literature now coming out about the Trumpist threat, as well as “Facilitating Group Learning,” my book on training that shares a half century of experience in conflicts. One reason to use my manual is that it pays particular attention to training people for meeting challenging and even anxiety-provoking situations.
It helps to ask someone you know to go to the workshop with you — and, of course, to then share all the tips, perspectives, articles and other helpful resources you come across on defending your future.







Comments
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I completely admire your commitment to civil disobedience, and agree that there is no hope without mass resistance, but we now live in a very different world – far more fragmented, distracted, cynical and confused than the one confronting freedom riders in the '60's. As a writer who posts on some of the most commonly frequented leftist platforms, I notice a huge split between those who see Trump as the pinpoint of our existential threat and those who rather see a wider systemic rot. Trump is widely seen as a mere symptom. Many are more enraged at Biden, whose support for the genocide in Gaza has eviscerated progressive support for the Democratic Party.
Many will vote for Jill Stein or Cornell West making it nearly certain that we are facing a Trump fascist regime (I hope I am wrong, but this looks like a slam dunk). Others will not vote at all.
We are also facing much more brutal repression. In 1964 American genocidal ferocity aimed its weaponry at Vietnam and Latin America while being very protective of our own citizens. With the US empire imploding, a fascist regime will likely turn ferociously upon minorities and dissidents. Trump has already made it clear that the scope, intent and rhetorical framing of our migrant population warns of genocidal action.
There is a difference between civil disobedience in a neoliberal society versus nonviolent resistance in a fascist dictatorship. In neoliberal America we have enjoyed a facade of civility while bombing the hell out of the middle east and embargoing socialist governments in Latin America. There was no sustained civil disobedience in Nazi Germany as the fate of "The White Rose" movement proved. If there is to be any chance of successful resistance it needs to be launched sooner rather than later. Once American fascism fully consolidates and gains leverage and momentum it may be too late. With all of my doubts, I am with you.
I became concerned during the W/Cheney administration about fascism, and checked out some books on Nazi history. My reaction was that the W regime had a lot of parallels with Nazi Germany, but one thing I thought distinct was that the Nazis consolidated power through intimidation and bullying–those who wouldn't go along would be beaten up by brownshirts or arrested. I didn't see that here. Twenty years ago. Now…well, I think you're quite right that the resistance needs to be stalwart and EARLY. The intimidation is used to consolidate power, to get the uncommitted majority to shut up and go along. Once that's accomplished, dissidents can simply be arrested, or shot.
Whether that's actually the scenario here is a question–to some degree it looks to me like this is theater, with the Democrats playing their part.
Violence and genocide were deeply ingrained in the vision of our founding fathers. The membrane between theater and bloodshed is very thin. We have the sort of irony that you could not make up – the guy representing an alternative to a Nazi wannabe regime is himself actively participating in a horrific genocide.
The war industry plus the Israeli lobby have the Democratic Party in such a deep stranglehold that these Dems would rather commit suicide than stand up to corporate power. Trump is deeply hated, but Biden found the perfect way to piss this election away. But, I suspect that Biden is being walked on a short leash, and his replacement (if that comes to pass) will fall down the same hole.
Hrmmmm….
For someone speaking for the "movements for justice and peace" it seems weird that you do not even mention the how the current administration is funding and arming the genocidal Israelis and funded and armed the neo Nazi Banderites in Ukraine, while doing everything in its power to prevent a just and peaceful resolution of that situation.
Or how the Biden administration has been doing all it can to start a war with China in Taiwan.
It seems that the concern for Peace and Justice has morphed into using rhetoric from the Peace and Justice movements to help reelect war mongering democrats.
I guess you didn’t get the latest Directive, Jim:
“War is Peace”
Complicity equals Death.
I’m afraid that the US will become an eco-socialist paradise before we change our foreign policy.
Good background on the US drive for hegemony:
https://youtu.be/td9nAYnxjtA
I have also wondered why there hasn't been a whisper about the Gaza genocide on this site.
There are so many good reasons not to like Trump or want him to be reelected, but Trump being a bigger war monger than Biden is not one of them.
Trump is much better than Biden on Ukraine,
Trump is more for economic war with China, than a real war.
Trump is pretty horrible as far as Israel / Gaza goes, but does not seem any worse than Biden.
so by my calculation in terms of War and Peace, Trump is the lesser evil
You're reaching way up in colonic anatomy to grab Trump by the ear.
Try thinking outside the death camp.
There may have been some whimpers.
Maybe Bart knows.
"Well the Sun gets bloody
And the Sun goes down,
Ever since the watermelon
And the lights come up
On the black pit town.
Somebody says, "What's a better thing to do?"
Well, it's not just me
And it's not just you
This is all around the world."
(Paul Simon)
If we can't admit Resilience is a battlefield
we are blind to our bind.
Not sure what you mean by "fall down the same hole" but if you refer to policy on Gaza, Israel/Palestine more broadly, or foreign policy more broadly that that, of course any replacement will push the same policies–there IS a deep state and it does presumably dictate to presidents, as evidenced by the lack of policy changer when administrations and parties change.